My review of “Children of the Revolution” by Bill Rolston

lipstick socialist

Reading this book reminded me when I joined on a protest sometimes in the 1980s  outside the West Midlands Police HQ for the Birmingham 6. I remember the children and grandchildren of the  imprisoned men who stood alongside campaigners. They too, have an important story to tell.

Of course, unlike the people in this book,  they were not the children of combatants, but survivors of a conflict that affected the Irish community in Britain in different ways.

Written in 2011 Bill Rolston’s book is groundbreaking in giving a voice to the children of the war in Ireland. He is the right person to produce the book, coming from Republican West Belfast  where he worked as a youth worker and personally knew many of the families. I think this insight is invaluable in any research and missing from much of the academic books produced about working-class history. To quote my friend, historian and communist Eddie Frow, “there is bosses’ history and workers’ history.” This is definitely workers’ history.

Many books have been written about the Northern Ireland conflict but, as Bill says:  “towards the bottom of the narrative ladder is the story of the children and the conflict, and within that, the direct voice of children of combatants has barely been heard at all. To tell at least part of that story is the reason for this book.”

The combatants were members of Republican and Loyalist militarised groups in the North during the thirty  years of the conflict; chiefly, the Irish Republican Army and the Irish National Liberation Army one side and the Ulster Volunteer Force and Ulster Defence Association on the other side, although there some small groups.

Of the 20 children interviewed by Bill only two had parents who were not combatants.

Reading their stories makes for an emotional experience, even though as an activist in the Irish in Britain Representation Group and having been involved with prisoners’ campaigns, I was aware of some of their experiences.

Their stories are the stories of childhoods lived out in a war zone and the constant presence of police and army in their homes and on their streets; of parents taken away for  long absences; of  journeys to prison; and of  broken up relationships.

One of the issues that struck me is that of class. Most of the families were from poor families and the impact of their father (and sometimes their mother, too) being incarcerated was not just a devastating emotional blow but an economic one.

Jeanette Keenan, daughter of lifelong Republican Brian Keenan, had a very different life, even from other Republican children. She says; “we did live in poverty in that mammy had to sustain six children with virtually no money.” Brian was in prison in England and money had to be found if they were to visit him there. Her mother got together with the mother of framed prisoner Paul Hill of the Guildford 4 who was also trekking across to England to visit him and together jointly forced the Department of Health and Social Security to provide the money for a monthly visit to the men. Over the years in this country  prisoners support groups were started up to support the prisoners and their families.

But, on a visit to London by herself, her mother was arrested and held in prison for a year whilst awaiting trial. Jeanette was now 15 and her brother 17 so they stayed in the family home , looking after themselves. “When my mammy went on family visits, we all knew how to run the house; she had taught us that.”

Jeanette went on to become involved in Tar Anall,  a youth project to support  the children of republican  prisoners.

Speaking to children from the Loyalist community proved more difficult for Bill.  “Republican ex-prisoners have been traditionally more rooted in their community and less likely to be wary of breaking cover.”  Some of the children he interviewed from the Loyalist community did not want to their names or the names of their fathers to be used.

John Lyttle, son of Tommy “Tucker” Lyttle a leading member of the UDA West Belfast Brigade,  was happy to use  his name and talk freely about his relationship with his father.  He grew up in a household where one night he went downstairs to find his father torturing a man in his kitchen.

John had a secret life. “Thank God I was gay. I was able to stand outside, live in parallel and look in. I never bought it.” When he was 18 years old, he left Ireland and has lived and worked as a journalist over here since then.

This is an important book. There are few books that allow the children of activists,  including those who were active in the Irish community in this country, to tell their story and to explain how it has affected them in their lives.

My overwhelming response to the stories is one of admiration for the children and their amazing fortitude in growing up in a society with so much violence. As Bill says :“In the end, some individuals were clearly traumatised by  their experience, but all display a remarkable level of resilience in the face of what violent conflict brought their way.”

Buy the book here http://www.billrolston.weebly.com

New T shirt designs from Wessex Solidarity available at D.R.B.23.

Proceeds to bookfair.

Book Review- ‘Makhno: Ukrainian Freedom Fighter’.

Aotearoa Workers Solidarity Movement

Authors: Philippe Thirault (Writer) Roberto Zaghi (Art) Nanette McGuiness (Translation)

Ukraine has become a focus of attention lately due to the war there. For many this will be a temporary and superficial interest, related to the duration of that conflict and media interest in it. Clashes between nation-states and their elites is a deeply saddening feature of today’s world. Such a war brings up the question whether some better alternative is available?

There are contemporary alternatives, but its also possible to look at the past for inspiration. In the case of Ukraine, there is a set of interesting historical events that do provide bits and pieces that suggest another way of being.

There was also a war in Ukraine between 1917-21. It was a complex mess and involved various factions competing to control the Ukrainian state. Among them were the Bolsheviks (later misnamed ‘Communists’), Germans, Nationalists and Monarchists. In reaction to this, a movement developed in Eastern Ukraine. It was based on workers and peasants who were fed up with

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The Kurdish Women’s Movement History, Theory, Practice by Dilar Dirik

A non-Eurocentric feminist perspective on the revolutionary Kurdish women’s movement

Pluto Press

“One the foremost writers and participants in the Kurdish women’s movement” – Harsha Walia

The Kurdish women’s movement is at the heart of one of the most exciting revolutionary experiments in the world today: Rojava. Forged over decades of struggle, most recently in the fight against ISIS, Rojava embodies a radical commitment to ecology, democracy and women’s liberation. But while striking images of Kurdish women in military fatigues proliferate, a true understanding of the women’s movement remains elusive.

Taking apart the superficial and Orientalist frameworks that dominate, Dilar Dirik offers instead an empirically rich account of the women’s movement in Kurdistan. Drawing on original research and ethnographic fieldwork, she surveys the movement’s historical origins, ideological evolution, and political practice over the past forty years. Going beyond abstract ideas, Dirik locates the movement’s culture and ideology in its concrete work for women’s revolution in the here and now.

Taking the reader from the guerrilla camps in the mountains to radical women’s academies and self-organized refugee camps, readers around the world can engage with the revolution in Kurdistan, both theoretically and practically, as a vital touchstone in the wider struggle for a militant anti-fascist, anti-capitalist feminist internationalism.

Biography: Fumiko Kaneko (1903–1926) Kazuki Watanabe

theanarchistlibrary.org

Fumiko Kaneko was a female anarchist philosopher born in Japan in 1903. With her Korean partner Pak Yol, she founded the anarchist collective “Futei-sha” which published many articles arguing for anarchism and direct action (“Futei-sha” is named after “Futei-Senjin”, a government term for malcontent Koreans).

Both Fumiko and Pak were pre-emptively detained during the major earthquake in 1923. During the detention, they testified that they had plotted to bomb the emperor’s son, which resulted in a death sentence for them. Though they were pardoned, Fumiko refused the pardon and killed herself in prison at the age of 23.

Her life is candidly written in her autobiography which has been translated into English (Kaneko 1991). In this book, we can see her powerful ego which was developed throughout her extremely oppressed life. Her philosophy is more explicitly expressed in her testimony at her trial. Also, I must note that there is a fantastic Korean film on Fumiko and Pak called Anarchist from Colony in which Korean actress Choi Hee-seo fabulously portrayed Fumiko, expressing Fumiko’s joyful aspect.

This article will examine her life story as well as her anarchist philosophy which I will refer to as the anarchism of truthfulness.

1. Life

Unregistered Birth

When Fumiko was born, her parents did not register her as their child because they were officially not married, which Fumiko retrospectively thought of as being a decisive part in the formation of her identity. Being unregistered, she could not attend school properly. Her father left Fumiko and her mother to elope with Fumiko’s aunt, which forced them into a position so difficult that her mother even attempted to sell Fumiko to a brothel. She despaired over her miserable childhood:

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Summary and thoughts: The Magneti Marelli Workers Committee – The ‘Red Guard’ tells its story (Milan, 1975-78), by Emilio Mentasti

Angry Workers

The book [1] portrays in detailed fashion the background and activity of the Workers’ Committee at Magneti Marelli in Crescenzago in Italy, a manufacturing plant of around 4,000 workers during the mid to late 1970s. In many ways the Workers’ Committee was the most developed expression of ‘workers’ political autonomy’ during this period.

For us the committees are still a crucial political reference-point and compass and we invite comrades to debate how this historical experience can help us to re-orient our political practice in the here and now. If you want to take part in this debate, please get in touch.

We think the experiences detailed in the book can help us to sharpen our debate around various contemporary issues:

* The phase of ‘workers’ autonomy’ is usually associated with the offensive wage struggles at the end of the boom years of the 1960s. In contrast, the Workers’ Committee emerged after the crisis blow of 1973, which means that the main question at the time was how to turn a defensive struggle against restructuring into an offensive one. One of the main targets of these struggles was the attempt of the bosses to send parts of the workforce into Cassa Integrazione, a state-sponsored furlough system that was used to undermine workers’ collectivity.

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NEW EVIDENCE REVEALS SIX YEAR SECRET HISTORY OF UK SUPPLIES TO TURKISH KILLER DRONES

PRESS RELEASE from Brighton Against Arms Trade 12pm Friday 15th January 2021. (pdf)

In light of the information contained herein, campaigners are asking people to ring EDO on 01273 810500, ask for Public Relations and ask about use of EDO-produced weapons component in Nagorno Karabakh. Or just ask receptionist to forward the message.

ANDAIR Ltd announced this week it has ceased supplies of fuel components to the Turkish company Baykar Makina after discovering these had been used on armed drones sent to Azerbaijan.

https://twitter.com/CivilNetTV/status/1349243020592508930

https://en.armradio.am/2021/01/13/british-firm-andair-halts-supply-of-parts-for-bayraktar-drones

https://ahval.me/turkey-drones/uk-company-stops-export-parts-baykar-drones-used-nagorno-karabakh

Andair’s components were found in the wreckage of armed UAVs shot down in the war in Nagorno Karabakh by Armenian forces and documented in a report distributed on Twitter by the Armenian National Council of America(ANCA)

https://twitter.com/search?q=ANCA_DC%20bayraktar

Brighton Against The Arms Trade (BAAT) welcomes Andair’s public statement and calls on the other UK company named in the ANCA report EDO MBM Technology Ltd, Brighton to follow Andair’s example and cease its supplies of critical technology to Turkish killer drones.

EDO MBM Technology – a subsidiary of the 6th largest defence contractor in the US L3Harris (NYSE:LHX)- is the bomb and missile launcher manufacturer that designed, patented and produced the Hornet micro-munition bomb rack without which the weaponisation of Turkish drones would not have happened.

Unlike Andair, this technology was knowingly supplied to Turkey for use on the Bayraktar TB2 drone. BAAT can now reveal new evidence proving EDO MBM has continued to secretly supply Turkey with the equipment, components and technology for the last six years.

In November 2019 The Guardian reported that EDO MBM had supplied Baykar with critical bomb rack/missile launcher technology that allowed it to defy a US export ban and develop Turkey’s first armed drone. L3Harris circumvented US domestic arms controls by using its UK subsidiary EDO MBM in Brighton – under less strict British arms export rules and policy – to proliferate armed drones across the Middle East and North Africa region.

https://www.theguardian.com/news/2019/nov/27/revealed-uk-technology-turkey-rise-global-drone-power

At the time of publication Selcuk Bayraktar, the Chief Technical Officer of Baykar Makina, and son-in-law of President Erdogan, responded angrily to the Guardian report. He denied Baykar had ever used the EDO MBM bomb rack/missile launcher, and claimed Baykar had developed and designed their own.

https://ahvalnews.com/drones/turkish-drone-maker-slams-guardian-report-it-used-british-technology

NEW PHOTOGRAPHIC EVIDENCE

Selcuk Bayraktar’s Twitter denial gained wide attention in Turkish media in 2019 but after the ANCA report was posted in November 2020, he deleted it.

The ANCA report shows photographic evidence of the remnants of a downed Bayraktar TB2 revealing for the first time the distinctive internal mechanism of its bomb rack/missile launcher.

An EDO MBM patent drawing from 2014 for the Hornet is identical to the internal design of the bomb rack found on the TB2 in the ANCA photographs in 2020.

(See attached JPG of ANCA image and compare with EDO MBM patent drawing here)

https://patentimages.storage.googleapis.com/c8/5a/ca/2e3e62e282e935/imgf0002.png

A 2019 sell sheet for the Hornet bomb rack/missile launcher (attached) shows the Hornet attached to a Turkish Aerospace Industries ANKA-S armed drone and states ” The Hornet receptacle is now incorporated into two in-service munitions and is being adopted for other users.” (See attached L3Harris PDF).

The Bayraktar TB2 is armed with two Roketsan munitions the MAM-L and MAM-c

https://www.roketsan.com.tr/en/product/mam-l-smart-micro-munition/

https://www.roketsan.com.tr/en/product/mam-c-smart-micro-munition/

EXPORT LICENCE EVIDENCE

In 2020 the UK Department of International Trade (DIT) confirmed 18 Standard Individual Export Licences (SIELs) had been approved for EDO MBM to export Hornet bomb racks and related components and technology to Turkey between 2014-2020.

https://www.whatdotheyknow.com/request/edo_mbm_technology_ltd_export_li

Most of these went to Roketsan, the Turkish company that worked with Baykar in its weaponisation of the TB2 between 2015-16 to incorporate it
with the MAM-L and MAM-C munitions.

In 2016 the Turkish newspaper Daily Sabah reported

” Bayraktar TB2’s armament was completed after a 1.5-year operation. Baykar and Roketsan kick started the project by taking the initiative without any official support – a first in Turkish aviation history.

“The national version of the rocket launcher unit previously supplied from abroad was originally developed, designed and manufactured for the Armed Bayraktar TB2.”

Records of EDO MBM’s exports of its Hornet bomb/rack missile launcher to Turkey cover six years from 2014 to 2020, well beyond the development stage.

The UK goverment has approved the export by EDO MBM of hundreds of missile and munitions launcher items of equipment, components and technology specifically designed for UAVs to Turkey for over six years, worth millions of pounds, yet Turkey’s primary UAV manufacturer claims it not to use them.

BAAT CALLS FOR A FULL INVESTIGATION OF EDO MBM’s EXPORTS TO TURKEY AND the IMMEDIATE END OF ITS SUPPLIES TO THE BAYRAKTAR TB2, OR ANY OTHER TURKISH WEAPONS SYSTEM.

BAAT Press contact: Ceri: 07904202603

ENDS

Book Review: ‘Fascists Among Us’

AWSM

Whenever a terrorist incident occurs somewhere in the world, a tell-all book or movie-of-the-week is sure to follow. Mostly it’s an exploitative response that is shallow and adds nothing to anyone’s understanding of the phenomenon. Fascists Among Us by Jeff Sparrow is not such a book. It covers the Christchurch mosque attack but eschews such approaches as pseudo-first-person narrative or lurid descriptions of events by on-the-scene observers. Rather, it makes an honest attempt to get into the motivations behind the attack. The most commendable aspect of this being the rejection of superficial psychological explanations, in favour of acknowledging the political impetus behind events. For example, Sparrow argues Brenton Tarrant’s manifesto “…expresses-with stark clarity-a distinctive political program.” (p.10). He references the term ‘autogenic’ to describe massacres driven by psychopathology or personal problems but explicitly notes that the murderer says in his document on the killings that they were “…a politically motivated terrorist attack” but “…he used them to rewrite the massacre script, injecting political content into an apolitical form” (p. 73).

Any book with the word ‘Fascist’ in the title should not shy away from attempting a definition of what is a notoriously difficult phenomenon to pin down. Sparrow tackles this with reference to some of the acknowledged academic experts in the field such as Paxton, Griffin and Mosse as well as quotes from Mussolini, Hitler and Mosley. He is then careful to place Tarrant’s own words into the mix, showing undeniable links to these ideological predecessors.

The author recognises that despite radical sounding elements, it is the reactionary nature of classical fascism that ultimately defines it. For anarchists, it is welcome recognition that one element of this reactionary politics is its emphasis on the creation of “…an authoritarian regime based on supposed natural hierarchies” (p.43). Sparrow again places the shooter within that tradition, condemned by his own words, quoting from his manifesto ‘Diversity is unequal, hierarchies are certain’ (p.13). This highlights two important points. Firstly, that while others may waver in their opposition to fascism, anarchists always have been and always will be their most consistent opponents. Wishing to establish a world of social and economic equality and our implacable rejection of hierarchies as an organising principle puts us in existential opposition to fascism in ways that other political movements are not. Secondly, it shows the bankruptcy of some on the conservative Right who erroneously define fascism as a Left-wing movement.

Despite the very real continuities with the past, it’s also important to look at the factors that have aided the contemporary fascists. On a macro scale, this has included the primacy of Islamophobia as a bogeyman that works better as a motivator than the lingering traditional anti-Semitism. Sparrow spends a chapter showing how the fuel of US state actions post-9/11 has created an environment where ‘Islam’ “…has become for many an essentialised, almost biological, term” (p.29). One of Tarrant’s obsessions as outlined in his screed was the birthrates within ‘Islam’ being higher than others and the threat, he saw this having to those he identified with.

Another more recent and obvious influence has been the rhetorical enabling the Trump administration has had upon the fascists. The writer is careful to show that despite being odious in his own right, the fascist label doesn’t apply to Trump. In his chapter on this, Sparrow also outlines how different tactical options were explored that took internet traffic in the direction of street activism. The culmination being the Fascist riot in Charlottesville in 2017 and the death of Heather Heyer. In the end, this was a dismal failure for the fascists and goes some way to explaining the attraction of non-net-based lone wolf actions rather than internet shitposting, incel whining, or LARPing.

Add to the above an interest in eco-fascism and accelerationism, combined with personal experiences in both Australia (where fascists targeted Anarchist social locations) and Europe, and you get some taste of the eclectic toxic political brew Tarrant created for himself. Sparrow does a good job in outlining all of this and clearly separates out different strands of thought that do or don’t apply in this case.

In the conclusion the author criticises sections of the mainstream media who argued that it was wrong to publish extracts from Tarrant’s manifesto. They said that just mentioning he was radicalised in Europe was enough. Sparrow rightly takes them to task for this by pointing out “He was ideologically committed to fascism, a movement that is consistently handed propaganda victories by a mass media unwilling or incapable of understanding it.” (p.116). An excellent point.

It feels necessary to take issue with Sparrow though on a related informational issue. He chooses early in the book to consistently refer to Tarrant as ‘Person X’. The two central explanations being that by naming Brenton Tarrant it somehow diminishes his victims and that since he was anonymous prior to the attack and that there are others similar to him out there, such a pseudonym makes him emblematic of future such operators in the future (pp. 4-5). There are a few problems with this no doubt well-meaning sensitivity. Firstly, this book isn’t about the victims, but the perpetrator. A book that examines the lives of the victims would be a worthwhile project, but this isn’t it. Secondly, by allowing Tarrant to retain his anonymity it if anything lets him off the hook for personal responsibility for his actions. Yes, he is a ‘type’ but not just an abstraction. He is a living individual who did something. Thirdly, the excellent analysis provided describing how Tarrant became Tarrant applies to him. Future fascist terrorists will not be carbon copies of him, in the same way that he was inspired by, but was not a direct copy of others. Fourthly, Sparrow sensibly adopts the usual journalistic and academic convention of footnoting. Fine except the writer explicitly names Brenton Tarrant and the title of his manifesto in the very first footnote of chapter 1 of the book! This undermines the moral high ground attempted in the explanation of the Introduction and makes ongoing use of ‘Person X’ redundant. Also, if Sparrow has no problem mentioning Hitler, who surely had a far more devastating and lasting impact than Tarrant, the reader should be able to handle seeing the name of the latter. Lastly, there’s a bit of an air of fundamentalist Christianity to it, as if invoking the name will somehow empower Satan. Given Sparrow’s worthwhile quest to inform, including the perpetrators name just would’ve made more sense.

Jeff Sparrow has done a mostly solid job of showing what (if not who) lay behind the Christchurch massacre. It’s a text that can be recommended to anyone who wants to understand the political poison of Fascism, how it began and how it has morphed across time. For anarchists it is a reminder that we can never afford to let others do the work of Anti-fascism for us and must remain eternally vigilant and active in pursuit of a better world. No Pasaran!